2011-04-01
Kerry Preibish
Abstract. Contemporary processes of globalization have had significant implica- tions for food systems around the world. The adoption of neo-liberal policies on a global scale, changing systems of governance in supply chains, and the develop- ment of new technologies have transformed how food is produced and consumed. Although the implications of these changes for the labour sustaining agri-food systems have received scant attention in the literature, research suggests they are profound. In this article, I seek to further our knowledge of how these processes are unfolding in a high income country context through a focus on Canada, ex- amining in particular how changes to immigration policy have rendered work in Northern agri-food industries more precarious. In so doing, I seek to contribute to theoretical debates on the role of the state in regulating work-place regimes and managing capitalist accumulation in agriculture.
Int. Jrnl. of Soc. of Agr. & Food
19
1
62-82
The SAWP program contains ancillary mechanisms f control. For example, the practice of nominative recruitment (whereby employers indicate by name the migrants they will rehire) exerts a powerful measure of labour discipline s migrant-sending countries may refuse subsequent employment to those who fail to be renamed. Some countries, such as MExico, also determine migrants' subsequent participation on the basis of annual employer evaluations. Furthermore, the disposability of migrants is inscribed in SAWP employment contracs that allow employers to dismiss and thus deport workers for non compliance, refusal to work, or any other sufficient reason with no formal right of appeal. As most migrants are housed on their emplyer's property, loss of work is accompanied by loss of residence. (p.7)
Employers have used their power to choose the sending country of the migrant they hire in order to dampen the bargaining power of states participating in the SAWP, either through threats or country-surfing. Indeed, the prinipal reason for MExico inclusion in the SAWP in 1974 was to provide employers with leverage to mitigate pressures from the Caribbean governments to improve wages and working conditions (p.12)
Due to the diminishing involvement from the state, a range of abusive practices have emerged, including charging extortionate fees to migrants for job matching; misleading migrants regarding expected earnings or their prospects for achieving landed immigrant status; providing contracts that are poorly translated or inconsisten with the one held by the employer; and overcharging for transportation, housing, translation services, or obtaining an extension of their work permit. Thai migrant farm workers reported paying job-matching fees of 11 000$ to recruiters, a fee some financed through money borrowed against property at high interest rates. One interviewee claimed: I still have to pay back the original fee to the agent, 473$ per month for 24 months. My emplyer cannot help because I already signed this agreement in Thailand (p. 13).
At one work-site, the employer fired and deported a group of Mexicans because their productivity was lower than he had expected. Another four workers were also fired after they spoke out regarding poor working conditions.
Migrants reported employers withholding their passports or threatening their jobs if they left employer-provided property. "I was also asked to deposit my land owner registered document at the agent'S office as a guaranee not to run away. I can get it back when I complete work for two years. In addition, from 2003 until 2011, Guatemalan workers were obliged to pay a 400$ bond by International Organization for Migration (IOM) officials in Guatemala that was only refunded when they completed their contrats (p.14-15).
7
Agriculture and horticulture workers and General farm workers
Policy analysis
Mananaliksik
National relevance
Agrikultura and Socioligie
Ingles
